Jamieson & Harkins,
2007
This paper reports four
experiments testing the notion that one consequence of
stereotype threat is increased motivation to perform
well. Increased motivation to perform should facilitate
the dominant response on a given task, and dominant
responses, if correct, should improve task performance.
If the dominant response is incorrect, however, then
performance should be harmed under greater motivation.
To test these hypotheses, students completed
a visual attention task (an antisaccade task) in which
an individual must inhibit the tendency to
look at an irrelevant, peripheral
stimulus
while directing vision to determine the orientation of a target stimulus. In
Experiment 1, in which the
target display duration was set to 150 ms,
undergraduate men and women completed this
task after it had been described as "linked to math ability"
that either had "been shown to produce gender
differences" (stereotype threat for women) or "not been shown
to produce gender differences" (control). Women under stereotype threat
rated the task as more difficult, and women
in the stereotype threat condition were less accurate
than students in
all other conditions in reporting the orientation of the target stimuli.
In
Experiment 2, in which only women performed, the target
display duration was increased to 250 ms which provided
threat participants with the opportunity for correcting
for the dominant response. At this duration, women in
the stereotype threat condition reported target
orientation more quickly than controls with no cost in
accuracy.
Experiment 3 tracked eye movements
and showed that women under
stereotype threat were more likely to look at the
irrelevant cue (demonstrate the dominant response) but
were also better able to quickly correct for this
error than women in the control condition. On
trials where individuals successfully avoided looking
at the irrelevant cue, eye glances toward the target
were initiated more quickly in the stereotype threat
compared with the control condition. Experiment 4
crossed the stereotype threat manipulation with a
manipulation of cognitive load.
Results under low cognitive load replicated previous
findings at the 250 ms display duration: women under
stereotype threat responded more quickly than women in
the control condition with no cost in accuracy. However,
under high cognitive load, women under stereotype threat
performed more poorly than women in the control
condition. Thus, when working memory was impaired, the
performance advantage of threat participants was not
only eliminated, but reversed.
The authors argue that these findings are consistent
with the mere effort account, but not with a working
memory account, which they contend would also predict
more looking toward the cue (a result of impaired
capacity to inhibit a dominant response), but would
predict slower, not faster, attempts to initiate
corrective saccades and would not predict faster
response times when the threatened individuals’ eyes
reached the target area. These results
are suggestive that
stereotype threat can produce increased
motivation to perform on the threat-relevant task and
that
performance on relatively simple tasks can be
facilitated by stereotype threat. Of course,
increased motivation might not always benefit task performance,
and other factors such as task difficulty play a role in
determining the consequences of increased effort. In
addition, other demonstrated consequences of stereotype
threat (e.g., increased distraction, lowered
expectations) might also play roles along with
motivation and effort in determining task performance.
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